MEDIA CAMPAIGN

               

Types of Prospective Class Members

Types of Prospective Class Members (Victims)

The Democratic Memory Law (Law 20/2022) and its predecessor, the Historical Memory Law (Law 52/2007), address victims of the Spanish Civil War and Francoist regime, as well as their descendants. Based on the documents and web sources, prospective class members may include:

1. **Victims of Francoist Repression (Past)**: Individuals who suffered persecution, imprisonment, execution, or forced exile due to political, ideological, religious, or sexual orientation reasons during the Civil War or Francoist dictatorship. This includes those killed and buried in mass graves (estimated at 100,000–150,000) or convicted in illegitimate trials.[](https://jacobin.com/2020/10/historical-memory-law-franco-spain-victims)[](https://foreignpolicy.com/2022/11/20/spain-franco-mass-graves-truth-reconciliation/)
2. **Descendants of Exiles (Past and Present)**: Children and grandchildren of Spaniards who fled the Franco regime, particularly those who lost Spanish citizenship due to exile or marriage to foreigners before 1978. The Democratic Memory Law grants citizenship eligibility to these descendants, especially those born before 1985.[](https://www.giambronelaw.com/site/news-articles-press/library/articles/the-spanish-democratic-memory-law-time-is-running-out)[](https://www.cognitivelaw.co.uk/democratic-memory-law/)[](https://www.legal500.com/developments/thought-leadership/the-spanish-democratic-memory-law-righting-the-wrongs-of-the-past-a-new-opportunity-to-acquire-spanish-nationality/)
3. **Families of Victims in Unmarked Graves (Past and Present)**: Relatives seeking exhumation and identification of loved ones buried in mass graves, who may claim reputational or emotional harm if the Law’s implementation is based on biased reports.[](https://www.euronews.com/2022/10/20/families-of-francos-victims-welcome-spains-new-democratic-memory-law)[](https://foreignpolicy.com/2022/11/20/spain-franco-mass-graves-truth-reconciliation/)
4. **UK Citizens and Descendants (Past and Present)**: British volunteers of the International Brigades or their descendants, whose reputations may be harmed by a distorted historical narrative promoted by allegedly biased reports. The documents highlight potential reputational damage to UK citizens involved in the Civil War.[](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Democratic_Memory_Law)
5. **Future Victims (Speculative)**: Individuals or groups who may suffer indirect harm from the Law’s implementation, such as UK consumers affected by cultural or historical misrepresentations (e.g., through tourism or education) or descendants facing future legal or reputational issues due to the Law’s retroactive effects. This category is speculative, as no specific future victims are identified in the sources.

### Challenges in Identifying Specific Individuals
– **Data Protection**: GDPR and Spanish data protection laws (Organic Law 3/2018) prohibit disclosing personal details (names, emails, addresses) without consent unless publicly available. No public database lists victims or descendants with contact details.
– **Historical Nature**: Many direct victims are deceased, and their descendants are scattered globally, making individual identification difficult without access to private records (e.g., exile registries or DNA databases).
– **No Public Victim Register**: While the Democratic Memory Law mandates a Register of Victims, no publicly accessible list with names and contact details exists as of July 2025.[](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Democratic_Memory_Law)
– **Limited UK Connection**: The documents allege harm to UK citizens’ reputations, but no specific names or contact details are provided in public sources or the documents.

### Relevant Associations to Reach Prospective Class Members
To reach potential class members, contacting associations dedicated to historical memory and victims’ rights is the most effective approach. These organizations act as intermediaries, connecting families, descendants, and researchers. Below is a list of relevant associations, their contact methods, and how best to reach them, based on available information and a deep online search:

1. **Asociación para la Recuperación de la Memoria Histórica (ARMH)**
– **Purpose**: Advocates for exhumation of mass graves, identification of victims, and justice for Francoist repression victims. Actively involved in grassroots efforts since 2000.[](https://jacobin.com/2020/10/historical-memory-law-franco-spain-victims)[](https://foreignpolicy.com/2022/11/20/spain-franco-mass-graves-truth-reconciliation/)
– **Contact**:
– Email: armh@memoriahistorica.org (sourced from their official website, memoriahistorica.org).
– Address: C/ San Cosme y San Damián, 24, 24400 Ponferrada, León, Spain.
– Phone: +34 696 897 464 (publicly listed on their site).
– **How to Reach**: Email is the most reliable method, as ARMH responds to inquiries about victim families and exhumation projects. Their website has a contact form for specific requests. Social media (X handle: @ARMH_Memoria) is active for public engagement.
– **Relevance**: ARMH can connect you with families of victims buried in mass graves and descendants seeking reparations, particularly those critical of the government’s outsourcing of exhumations.[](https://jacobin.com/2020/10/historical-memory-law-franco-spain-victims)

2. **Coordinadora Andaluza por la Memoria Histórica y Democrática (ACHDM)**
– **Purpose**: A coalition of 60 Andalusian memory associations advocating for victims’ rights and implementation of regional memory laws. Founded in 2019 to liaise between victims’ families and institutions.[](https://academic.oup.com/ijtj/article/17/2/268/7223352)
– **Contact**:
– Email: Not publicly listed, but inquiries can be directed through their website, coordinadoraandaluza.org, via a contact form.
– Address: No specific address listed; operates regionally in Andalusia.
– **How to Reach**: Use the contact form on their website or reach out via social media (X handle: @CoordinadoraMHD). They are responsive to inquiries about victim families and legal actions.
– **Relevance**: ACHDM represents families across Andalusia, a region with significant mass graves, and can facilitate contact with descendants and victims’ relatives.

3. **Asamblea Memorialista de Andalucía (AMA)**
– **Purpose**: Combines 39 memory associations in Andalusia to amplify victims’ voices and challenge regional policies, such as the proposed “Concord Law” by Vox and PP.[](https://academic.oup.com/ijtj/article/17/2/268/7223352)
– **Contact**:
– Email: No public email; use contact form on asambleamemoriasandalucia.org.
– Address: Not listed; operates as a regional coalition.
– Phone: Not publicly available.
– **How to Reach**: The contact form on their website is the primary method. X (@AMAndalucia) is used for updates and can be messaged directly.
– **Relevance**: AMA can connect you with activists and families opposing regional reinterpretations of the Democratic Memory Law, potentially including UK descendants affected by historical narratives.

4. **Foro por la Memoria**
– **Purpose**: A national federation of associations focused on preserving the memory of Republican victims and advocating for justice, including legal challenges to the 1977 Amnesty Law.[](https://melaproject.org/blog/336)
– **Contact**:
– Email: info@foroporlamemoria.info (from foroporlamemoria.info).
– Address: C/ Pez, 27, 28004 Madrid, Spain.
– Phone: +34 913 103 394.
– **How to Reach**: Email or phone for direct inquiries. Their website offers a contact form, and their X account (@ForoMemoria) is active for public outreach.
– **Relevance**: Foro por la Memoria works with descendants and victims’ families, including those pursuing citizenship or reparations, and can identify potential class members.

5. **International Brigade Memorial Trust (IBMT)**
– **Purpose**: UK-based organization preserving the memory of British and Irish volunteers who fought in the International Brigades during the Spanish Civil War. Relevant for UK citizens’ reputational claims.[](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Democratic_Memory_Law)
– **Contact**:
– Email: secretary@international-brigades.org.uk (from international-brigades.org.uk).
– Address: 37A Clerkenwell Green, London EC1R 0DU, United Kingdom.
– Phone: +44 20 7253 8748.
– **How to Reach**: Email is the most effective method, as IBMT responds to inquiries about descendants and historical records. Their X account (@IBMT_SCW) is active for engagement.
– **Relevance**: IBMT can connect you with descendants of British volunteers, who may have a stake in reputational damage claims due to biased narratives in the Democratic Memory Law.

### Strategies to Reach Prospective Class Members
– **Through Associations**: Contact the listed associations via email or contact forms to request assistance in identifying victims or descendants. These organizations maintain networks of families and can disseminate your call for class members while respecting privacy laws. For example, ARMH and Foro por la Memoria have databases of families seeking exhumations or reparations.
– **Public Notices**: Publish calls for class members in Spanish and UK media, such as El País, La Sexta, or The Guardian, which cover historical memory issues. Use social media platforms like X (@ARMH_Memoria, @IBMT_SCW) to reach descendants and activists.[](https://jacobin.com/2020/10/historical-memory-law-franco-spain-victims)
– **Consular Outreach**: Contact Spanish consulates in the UK (e.g., London: consulate.london@maec.es) or UK consulates in Spain to inquire about descendants applying for citizenship under the Democratic Memory Law. Consulates handle nationality applications and may guide you to relevant applicants.[](https://www.giambronelaw.com/site/news-articles-press/library/articles/the-spanish-democratic-memory-law-time-is-running-out)
– **Legal Firms**: Engage firms like Del Canto Chambers (info@delcantochambers.com) or Giambrone Law (info@giambronelaw.com), which assist descendants with citizenship applications under the Law. They may connect you with clients who could join a class action.[](https://www.giambronelaw.com/site/news-articles-press/library/articles/the-spanish-democratic-memory-law-time-is-running-out)[](https://delcantochambers.com/the-democratic-memory-law-a-pathway-to-spanish-nationality/)
– **DNA Database Access**: The Democratic Memory Law mandates a national DNA database for identifying victims in mass graves. Request access to anonymized data through the Ministry of Territorial Policy and Democratic Memory (info@mpt.gob.es) to identify families, ensuring compliance with GDPR.[](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Democratic_Memory_Law)[](https://foreignpolicy.com/2022/11/20/spain-franco-mass-graves-truth-reconciliation/)

### Limitations and Ethical Considerations
– **No Specific Names Available**: Public sources and the provided documents do not list individual victims or descendants with contact details due to privacy laws. Associations are the best intermediaries to reach these groups anonymously.
– **Speculative Future Victims**: The concept of “future victims” is vague, as the Law’s effects are historical. Potential future harm (e.g., to UK consumers via cultural misrepresentations) lacks concrete evidence and requires further investigation.
– **Legal Standing**: UK citizens’ reputational claims may face challenges in Spanish courts unless direct harm (e.g., specific defamation) is proven. Associations like IBMT can help substantiate these claims.
– **Time Sensitivity**: The citizenship application deadline under the Democratic Memory Law is 21 October 2025, so outreach to descendants must be prompt.[](https://www.giambronelaw.com/site/news-articles-press/library/articles/the-spanish-democratic-memory-law-time-is-running-out)

### Next Steps
To proceed, I recommend sending targeted inquiries to the listed associations, starting with ARMH and IBMT, to identify potential class members. Simultaneously, use the Freedom of Information requests (as drafted previously) to gather evidence of procurement irregularities, which could strengthen the case for a class action. If you need assistance drafting specific outreach letters to these associations or media notices, please let me know.

Based on the documents and web information, the following groups are identified as potential class members for a collective action regarding the Democratic Memory Law:

1. **Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs)**: Businesses in sectors like historical research, exhumations, digitalization, or cultural activities that were excluded from public contracts due to alleged irregular procurement practices, such as lack of public tendering or contract fragmentation. These firms may have lost business opportunities to favored contractors.[](https://memoria.cocoo.uk/)
2. **Freelance Professionals**: Individuals offering specialized services (e.g., historians, researchers, or consultants) who were denied equal access to contracts due to non-transparent or discriminatory procurement processes.[](https://memoria.cocoo.uk/)
3. **Descendants of Spanish Civil War Victims**: Families of those killed, imprisoned, or exiled during the Civil War or Francoist dictatorship, who may seek reparations or exhumations and could claim harm from biased historical reports influencing the Law.
4. **UK Citizens and Descendants**: Descendants of British International Brigade volunteers or other UK citizens involved in the Spanish Civil War, whose reputations may be harmed by a distorted historical narrative promoted by the Law. The documents emphasize reputational damage to UK citizens.[](https://memoria.cocoo.uk/)
5. **Future Victims (Speculative)**: Consumers or entities potentially affected by cultural or historical misrepresentations, such as through tourism or education, though this group is less clearly defined and speculative.

### Challenges in Identifying Specific Individuals
– **Data Protection**: Spanish and EU data protection laws (GDPR, Organic Law 3/2018) prohibit disclosing personal details without consent unless publicly available. No public database provides names, emails, or contact details of victims or descendants.[](https://memoria.cocoo.uk/)
– **Historical Scope**: Many direct victims are deceased, and descendants are globally dispersed, complicating individual identification without access to private records (e.g., exile registries or DNA databases).
– **UK Connection**: The documents allege reputational harm to UK citizens, but no specific names or contact details are publicly available.
– **No Public Victim Register**: While the Democratic Memory Law mandates a victim register, no accessible list with contact details exists as of July 2025.

### Relevant Associations to Reach Prospective Class Members
To contact potential class members, engaging with associations dedicated to historical memory and victims’ rights is the most effective and legally compliant approach. Below is a list of key organizations, their contact details, and outreach strategies, based on a deep online search:

1. **Asociación para la Recuperación de la Memoria Histórica (ARMH)**
– **Purpose**: Advocates for exhumation of mass graves, victim identification, and justice for Francoist repression victims since 2000.
– **Contact**:
– Email: armh@memoriahistorica.org (from memoriahistorica.org).
– Address: C/ San Cosme y San Damián, 24, 24400 Ponferrada, León, Spain.
– Phone: +34 696 897 464.
– **How to Reach**: Email or use the website’s contact form for inquiries about victim families or exhumation projects. Their X account (@ARMH_Memoria) is active for public engagement and can be used to share your campaign.
– **Relevance**: ARMH connects with families seeking exhumations and reparations, including those critical of government outsourcing, making it a key contact for SMEs and descendants.

2. **Coordinadora Andaluza por la Memoria Histórica y Democrática (ACHDM)**
– **Purpose**: A coalition of 60 Andalusian memory associations advocating for victims’ rights and regional memory law implementation.
– **Contact**:
– Email: Use the contact form on coordinadoraandaluza.org (no direct email listed).
– Address: Operates regionally in Andalusia; no specific address provided.
– **How to Reach**: Submit inquiries via the website’s contact form or message their X account (@CoordinadoraMHD). They respond to requests about victim families and legal actions.
– **Relevance**: ACHDM can connect you with families and SMEs in Andalusia, a region with numerous mass graves, potentially affected by procurement irregularities.

3. **Asamblea Memorialista de Andalucía (AMA)**
– **Purpose**: Unites 39 Andalusian memory associations to challenge regional policies and support victims’ families.
– **Contact**:
– Email: Use the contact form on asambleamemoriasandalucia.org.
– Address: Regional coalition; no specific address listed.
– **How to Reach**: Contact via the website form or X (@AMAndalucia) for updates and direct messaging.
– **Relevance**: AMA can reach families and activists opposing regional memory laws, potentially including UK descendants affected by historical narratives.

4. **Foro por la Memoria**
– **Purpose**: A national federation advocating for Republican victims and legal challenges to the 1977 Amnesty Law.
– **Contact**:
– Email: info@foroporlamemoria.info (from foroporlamemoria.info).
– Address: C/ Pez, 27, 28004 Madrid, Spain.
– Phone: +34 913 103 394.
– **How to Reach**: Email or phone for direct inquiries; the website’s contact form is also effective. Their X account (@ForoMemoria) is active for outreach.
– **Relevance**: Foro por la Memoria can identify descendants and families pursuing citizenship or reparations, relevant for both Spanish and UK class members.

5. **International Brigade Memorial Trust (IBMT)**
– **Purpose**: UK-based organization preserving the memory of British and Irish International Brigade volunteers.
– **Contact**:
– Email: secretary@international-brigades.org.uk (from international-brigades.org.uk).
– Address: 37A Clerkenwell Green, London EC1R 0DU, United Kingdom.
– Phone: +44 20 7253 8748.
– **How to Reach**: Email is the most reliable method; IBMT responds to inquiries about descendants. Their X account (@IBMT_SCW) is active for engagement.
– **Relevance**: IBMT is critical for contacting descendants of UK volunteers, who may join a class action for reputational harm. [](https://memoria.cocoo.uk/)

### Strategies to Reach Prospective Class Members
1. **Association Outreach**: Send targeted emails to ARMH, Foro por la Memoria, and IBMT, explaining the collective action and requesting assistance in identifying affected SMEs, freelancers, or descendants. Use their contact forms to ensure compliance with GDPR. For example, ARMH’s database of families seeking exhumations can connect you with Spanish victims, while IBMT can reach UK descendants.
2. **Media Campaign**: Leverage CoCoo’s planned media strategy (as noted in memoria.cocoo.uk) by posting on LinkedIn (linkedin.com/campaignmanager/) targeting SMEs in historical research or cultural sectors, and on X (@ARMH_Memoria, @IBMT_SCW) to reach descendants. Craft messages like: “Were you excluded from contracts for the Democratic Memory Law? Join our collective action for compensation.” [](https://memoria.cocoo.uk/)
3. **Consular Channels**: Contact Spanish consulates in the UK (e.g., London: consulate.london@maec.es) to inquire about descendants applying for citizenship under the Law. The deadline for applications is 21 October 2025, so urgency is key.
4. **Legal Firms**: Engage firms like Del Canto Chambers (info@delcantochambers.com) or Giambrone Law (info@giambronelaw.com), which assist with citizenship applications, to connect with descendants who may have been affected by the Law’s narrative.
5. **Crowdfunding Platforms**: Use platforms like CrowdJustice (contact via crowdjustice.com) to publicize the case and attract class members. Create a campaign page detailing the alleged procurement irregularities and reputational harm, targeting SMEs and UK descendants. CrowdJustice takes a 6% platform fee but is effective for legal fundraising.[](https://coastal.cocoo.uk/funding/)
6. **Public Notices**: Publish calls in Spanish media (e.g., El País, La Sexta) and UK outlets (e.g., The Guardian) covering historical memory. Highlight the collective action and direct interested parties to a confidential portal (e.g., COCOO.uk).[](https://memoria.cocoo.uk/)

### Specific Contact Details
No individual names or emails of prospective class members are publicly available due to data protection laws. However, the associations above are the primary conduits for reaching SMEs, freelancers, and descendants. For example:
– **ARMH**: Email armh@memoriahistorica.org to request connections with families or SMEs involved in exhumations.
– **IBMT**: Email secretary@international-brigades.org.uk to reach descendants of UK volunteers, emphasizing reputational harm.
– **Foro por la Memoria**: Use info@foroporlamemoria.info to contact Spanish descendants seeking reparations.

### Legal and Ethical Considerations
– **GDPR Compliance**: Requests for personal data must be anonymized or processed through associations to avoid breaching privacy laws.
– **Evidence Burden**: The documents allege contract fragmentation and biased reports but lack specific evidence of individual harm. FOI requests (as previously drafted) are critical to substantiate claims.
– **UK Standing**: Reputational harm to UK citizens requires concrete evidence of defamation, which IBMT may help document.
– **Time Sensitivity**: The citizenship application deadline (21 October 2025) limits outreach to descendants, so prioritize rapid engagement via associations.

### Next Steps
1. Send tailored emails to ARMH, IBMT, and Foro por la Memoria, requesting assistance in identifying affected SMEs, freelancers, and descendants. Include a clear explanation of the collective action and a link to a confidential portal (e.g., COCOO.uk).
2. Launch a LinkedIn and X campaign targeting SMEs and descendants, using CoCoo’s media strategy as a model.[](https://memoria.cocoo.uk/)
3. File the previously drafted FOI requests to gather evidence of procurement irregularities, which will strengthen the case for class members.
4. Contact CrowdJustice to set up a crowdfunding campaign for legal funding, ensuring transparency to attract donors.[](https://coastal.cocoo.uk/funding/)

If you need specific outreach letters for these associations or assistance setting up a CrowdJustice page, please let me know.

Types of Prospective Class Members (Victims)

The Democratic Memory Law (Law 20/2022) and its predecessor, the Historical Memory Law (Law 52/2007), address victims of the Spanish Civil War and Francoist regime, as well as their descendants. Based on the documents and web sources, prospective class members may include:

1. **Victims of Francoist Repression (Past)**: Individuals who suffered persecution, imprisonment, execution, or forced exile due to political, ideological, religious, or sexual orientation reasons during the Civil War or Francoist dictatorship. This includes those killed and buried in mass graves (estimated at 100,000–150,000) or convicted in illegitimate trials.[](https://jacobin.com/2020/10/historical-memory-law-franco-spain-victims)[](https://foreignpolicy.com/2022/11/20/spain-franco-mass-graves-truth-reconciliation/)
2. **Descendants of Exiles (Past and Present)**: Children and grandchildren of Spaniards who fled the Franco regime, particularly those who lost Spanish citizenship due to exile or marriage to foreigners before 1978. The Democratic Memory Law grants citizenship eligibility to these descendants, especially those born before 1985.[](https://www.giambronelaw.com/site/news-articles-press/library/articles/the-spanish-democratic-memory-law-time-is-running-out)[](https://www.cognitivelaw.co.uk/democratic-memory-law/)[](https://www.legal500.com/developments/thought-leadership/the-spanish-democratic-memory-law-righting-the-wrongs-of-the-past-a-new-opportunity-to-acquire-spanish-nationality/)
3. **Families of Victims in Unmarked Graves (Past and Present)**: Relatives seeking exhumation and identification of loved ones buried in mass graves, who may claim reputational or emotional harm if the Law’s implementation is based on biased reports.[](https://www.euronews.com/2022/10/20/families-of-francos-victims-welcome-spains-new-democratic-memory-law)[](https://foreignpolicy.com/2022/11/20/spain-franco-mass-graves-truth-reconciliation/)
4. **UK Citizens and Descendants (Past and Present)**: British volunteers of the International Brigades or their descendants, whose reputations may be harmed by a distorted historical narrative promoted by allegedly biased reports. The documents highlight potential reputational damage to UK citizens involved in the Civil War.[](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Democratic_Memory_Law)
5. **Future Victims (Speculative)**: Individuals or groups who may suffer indirect harm from the Law’s implementation, such as UK consumers affected by cultural or historical misrepresentations (e.g., through tourism or education) or descendants facing future legal or reputational issues due to the Law’s retroactive effects. This category is speculative, as no specific future victims are identified in the sources.

### Challenges in Identifying Specific Individuals
– **Data Protection**: GDPR and Spanish data protection laws (Organic Law 3/2018) prohibit disclosing personal details (names, emails, addresses) without consent unless publicly available. No public database lists victims or descendants with contact details.
– **Historical Nature**: Many direct victims are deceased, and their descendants are scattered globally, making individual identification difficult without access to private records (e.g., exile registries or DNA databases).
– **No Public Victim Register**: While the Democratic Memory Law mandates a Register of Victims, no publicly accessible list with names and contact details exists as of July 2025.[](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Democratic_Memory_Law)
– **Limited UK Connection**: The documents allege harm to UK citizens’ reputations, but no specific names or contact details are provided in public sources or the documents.

### Relevant Associations to Reach Prospective Class Members
To reach potential class members, contacting associations dedicated to historical memory and victims’ rights is the most effective approach. These organizations act as intermediaries, connecting families, descendants, and researchers. Below is a list of relevant associations, their contact methods, and how best to reach them, based on available information and a deep online search:

1. **Asociación para la Recuperación de la Memoria Histórica (ARMH)**
– **Purpose**: Advocates for exhumation of mass graves, identification of victims, and justice for Francoist repression victims. Actively involved in grassroots efforts since 2000.[](https://jacobin.com/2020/10/historical-memory-law-franco-spain-victims)[](https://foreignpolicy.com/2022/11/20/spain-franco-mass-graves-truth-reconciliation/)
– **Contact**:
– Email: armh@memoriahistorica.org (sourced from their official website, memoriahistorica.org).
– Address: C/ San Cosme y San Damián, 24, 24400 Ponferrada, León, Spain.
– Phone: +34 696 897 464 (publicly listed on their site).
– **How to Reach**: Email is the most reliable method, as ARMH responds to inquiries about victim families and exhumation projects. Their website has a contact form for specific requests. Social media (X handle: @ARMH_Memoria) is active for public engagement.
– **Relevance**: ARMH can connect you with families of victims buried in mass graves and descendants seeking reparations, particularly those critical of the government’s outsourcing of exhumations.[](https://jacobin.com/2020/10/historical-memory-law-franco-spain-victims)

2. **Coordinadora Andaluza por la Memoria Histórica y Democrática (ACHDM)**
– **Purpose**: A coalition of 60 Andalusian memory associations advocating for victims’ rights and implementation of regional memory laws. Founded in 2019 to liaise between victims’ families and institutions.[](https://academic.oup.com/ijtj/article/17/2/268/7223352)
– **Contact**:
– Email: Not publicly listed, but inquiries can be directed through their website, coordinadoraandaluza.org, via a contact form.
– Address: No specific address listed; operates regionally in Andalusia.
– **How to Reach**: Use the contact form on their website or reach out via social media (X handle: @CoordinadoraMHD). They are responsive to inquiries about victim families and legal actions.
– **Relevance**: ACHDM represents families across Andalusia, a region with significant mass graves, and can facilitate contact with descendants and victims’ relatives.

3. **Asamblea Memorialista de Andalucía (AMA)**
– **Purpose**: Combines 39 memory associations in Andalusia to amplify victims’ voices and challenge regional policies, such as the proposed “Concord Law” by Vox and PP.[](https://academic.oup.com/ijtj/article/17/2/268/7223352)
– **Contact**:
– Email: No public email; use contact form on asambleamemoriasandalucia.org.
– Address: Not listed; operates as a regional coalition.
– Phone: Not publicly available.
– **How to Reach**: The contact form on their website is the primary method. X (@AMAndalucia) is used for updates and can be messaged directly.
– **Relevance**: AMA can connect you with activists and families opposing regional reinterpretations of the Democratic Memory Law, potentially including UK descendants affected by historical narratives.

4. **Foro por la Memoria**
– **Purpose**: A national federation of associations focused on preserving the memory of Republican victims and advocating for justice, including legal challenges to the 1977 Amnesty Law.[](https://melaproject.org/blog/336)
– **Contact**:
– Email: info@foroporlamemoria.info (from foroporlamemoria.info).
– Address: C/ Pez, 27, 28004 Madrid, Spain.
– Phone: +34 913 103 394.
– **How to Reach**: Email or phone for direct inquiries. Their website offers a contact form, and their X account (@ForoMemoria) is active for public outreach.
– **Relevance**: Foro por la Memoria works with descendants and victims’ families, including those pursuing citizenship or reparations, and can identify potential class members.

5. **International Brigade Memorial Trust (IBMT)**
– **Purpose**: UK-based organization preserving the memory of British and Irish volunteers who fought in the International Brigades during the Spanish Civil War. Relevant for UK citizens’ reputational claims.[](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Democratic_Memory_Law)
– **Contact**:
– Email: secretary@international-brigades.org.uk (from international-brigades.org.uk).
– Address: 37A Clerkenwell Green, London EC1R 0DU, United Kingdom.
– Phone: +44 20 7253 8748.
– **How to Reach**: Email is the most effective method, as IBMT responds to inquiries about descendants and historical records. Their X account (@IBMT_SCW) is active for engagement.
– **Relevance**: IBMT can connect you with descendants of British volunteers, who may have a stake in reputational damage claims due to biased narratives in the Democratic Memory Law.

### Strategies to Reach Prospective Class Members
– **Through Associations**: Contact the listed associations via email or contact forms to request assistance in identifying victims or descendants. These organizations maintain networks of families and can disseminate your call for class members while respecting privacy laws. For example, ARMH and Foro por la Memoria have databases of families seeking exhumations or reparations.
– **Public Notices**: Publish calls for class members in Spanish and UK media, such as El País, La Sexta, or The Guardian, which cover historical memory issues. Use social media platforms like X (@ARMH_Memoria, @IBMT_SCW) to reach descendants and activists.[](https://jacobin.com/2020/10/historical-memory-law-franco-spain-victims)
– **Consular Outreach**: Contact Spanish consulates in the UK (e.g., London: consulate.london@maec.es) or UK consulates in Spain to inquire about descendants applying for citizenship under the Democratic Memory Law. Consulates handle nationality applications and may guide you to relevant applicants.[](https://www.giambronelaw.com/site/news-articles-press/library/articles/the-spanish-democratic-memory-law-time-is-running-out)
– **Legal Firms**: Engage firms like Del Canto Chambers (info@delcantochambers.com) or Giambrone Law (info@giambronelaw.com), which assist descendants with citizenship applications under the Law. They may connect you with clients who could join a class action.[](https://www.giambronelaw.com/site/news-articles-press/library/articles/the-spanish-democratic-memory-law-time-is-running-out)[](https://delcantochambers.com/the-democratic-memory-law-a-pathway-to-spanish-nationality/)
– **DNA Database Access**: The Democratic Memory Law mandates a national DNA database for identifying victims in mass graves. Request access to anonymized data through the Ministry of Territorial Policy and Democratic Memory (info@mpt.gob.es) to identify families, ensuring compliance with GDPR.[](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Democratic_Memory_Law)[](https://foreignpolicy.com/2022/11/20/spain-franco-mass-graves-truth-reconciliation/)

### Limitations and Ethical Considerations
– **No Specific Names Available**: Public sources and the provided documents do not list individual victims or descendants with contact details due to privacy laws. Associations are the best intermediaries to reach these groups anonymously.
– **Speculative Future Victims**: The concept of “future victims” is vague, as the Law’s effects are historical. Potential future harm (e.g., to UK consumers via cultural misrepresentations) lacks concrete evidence and requires further investigation.
– **Legal Standing**: UK citizens’ reputational claims may face challenges in Spanish courts unless direct harm (e.g., specific defamation) is proven. Associations like IBMT can help substantiate these claims.
– **Time Sensitivity**: The citizenship application deadline under the Democratic Memory Law is 21 October 2025, so outreach to descendants must be prompt.[](https://www.giambronelaw.com/site/news-articles-press/library/articles/the-spanish-democratic-memory-law-time-is-running-out)

### Next Steps
To proceed, I recommend sending targeted inquiries to the listed associations, starting with ARMH and IBMT, to identify potential class members. Simultaneously, use the Freedom of Information requests (as drafted previously) to gather evidence of procurement irregularities, which could strengthen the case for a class action. If you need assistance drafting specific outreach letters to these associations or media notices, please let me know.

1. For Our Legal Cases (Litigation & Pre-Litigation)

The documents provide the direct legal authority and strategic models necessary to build and pursue robust claims against both public and private entities.

  • Foundations of State Liability for Breaches of EU Law:

    • What I Extracted: The core principle that EU Member States are liable to compensate individuals for damages caused by breaches of EU law is inherent to the Treaty system1. This requires a sufficiently serious breach of an EU law rule intended to confer rights, and a direct causal link between the breach and the damage suffered2. Critically, a prior judgment from the European Court of Justice declaring the breach is not an indispensable requirement to bring a claim in national courts333333333. The European Commission has initiated infringement proceedings against Spain, arguing its national liability laws make it “excessively difficult” to get compensation, thereby violating the EU principle of effectiveness4444.
    • Why This Helps Our Case: This provides the direct legal foundation for our claims against the Spanish government, particularly concerning the flawed procurement for the “Memoria Historica” and the misallocation of RRF funds. It confirms we can act now in Spanish courts and use the Commission’s formal infringement case as powerful leverage.

  • Specific Grounds for Challenging Public Bodies and Contracts:

    • What I Extracted: A Spanish Supreme Court ruling has established a precedent where a public authority was held liable as a “facilitator” of a private cartel, an act deemed ultra vires (beyond its legal powers)5555. Furthermore, Spanish law has very strict rules governing “in-house provisioning” (medios propios) by public bodies to bypass competitive tenders, which are often breached6666. Any direct private capital participation in the instrumental entity, for example, makes the award of a contract without a competitive tender illegal7777.
    • Why This Helps Our Case: This gives us a specific and powerful cause of action to challenge public contracts in Spain that have not been competitively tendered. It is directly applicable to our “Memoria Historica” case, where we allege the procurement process was illegal.

  • A Strategic Model for Multi-Pronged Legal Attacks:

    • What I Extracted: The strategic blueprint for the Indonesian biodiesel campaign demonstrates a method of applying pressure simultaneously through different legal regimes: trade defence instruments (Countervailing Duties), competition law (the EU Foreign Subsidies Regulation), and environmental regulations (the EU Deforestation Regulation)8888.
    • Why This Helps Our Case: This provides a sophisticated model for our own legal strategy. For any given issue, we can explore and combine trade, competition, environmental, and public law angles to create a multi-front legal challenge that maximizes pressure on our targets.

2. For Our Public Campaigns & Stakeholder Engagement

The intelligence allows us to build credible, lawful, and impactful campaigns to identify and mobilise all affected parties.

  • Launching Campaigns from a Position of Authority:

    • What I Extracted: Our campaign concerning Spain’s Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF) funds is explicitly based on our formal complaint to the European Commission (Case Ref: 83559) and a petition to the European Parliament (Petition Ref: 0047/2025)9999. The campaign’s key messages are our findings: a lack of transparency, state aid concerns, and the exclusion of SMEs from the funds10.
    • Why This Helps Our Campaign: This gives our campaign immense credibility from the outset. We are not merely making allegations; we are publicising a formal, evidence-based case that is already before EU institutions, which helps us shape and control the public narrative.

  • Framework for Lawful Class Member Acquisition:

    • What I Extracted: The strategy documents provide a detailed legal framework for running a class member acquisition campaign in the UK. Key requirements include obtaining approval from the Competition Appeal Tribunal (CAT) for all notification plans 11111111, ensuring all advertising is compliant with ASA codes (truthful, substantiated, not causing undue distress) 121212121212121212, and strictly adhering to ICO data protection rules under GDPR and PECR13. A significant opportunity identified is the “new charity soft opt-in,” which allows marketing to existing supporters who have previously “expressed an interest” in a similar charitable purpose141414141414141414.
    • Why This Helps Our Campaign: This is our essential risk management playbook. It provides the specific rules we must follow to run our UK campaigns lawfully, avoiding regulatory penalties. The “charity soft opt-in” is a key tactical insight for low-cost, effective communication.

  • Building Strategic Coalitions:

    • What I Extracted: The campaign blueprints identify the importance of building alliances with a wide range of stakeholders, including industry associations (e.g., the European Biodiesel Board), national agricultural unions (e.g., Spain’s ASAJA, COAG, UPA), and influential business lobby groups like the UK’s CBI and FSB15151515151515151515151515151515.
    • Why This Helps Our Campaign: This provides a clear methodology for mapping and engaging potential allies for each of our cases. By building broad coalitions, we can amplify our message, share the campaign burden, and demonstrate a wide base of public and industry support.

3. For Our Mediation & Settlement Projects

The attachments provide critical intelligence that enhances our leverage and shapes our entire approach to achieving negotiated resolutions.

  • Creating the Conditions for Mediation:

    • What I Extracted: The “Procurement via Pressure” strategy is explicitly designed to create a political and legal environment where a negotiated settlement becomes a preferable outcome for the opponent16. This is achieved by applying sustained pressure through multiple legal and public channels, thereby increasing the economic and reputational cost of inaction17.
    • Why This Helps Our Mediation: This defines our core strategy. We don’t just ask for mediation; we create the conditions that make it a rational choice for our opponents. By filing complaints and running public campaigns, we drive them to the negotiating table.

  • Positioning CoCoo as the Solution Provider:

    • What I Extracted: The campaign documents explicitly frame CoCoo as an organisation that can deliver solutions to the problems it identifies. The RRF campaign invites corporate members to join for access to legal guidance and representation 18, and the biodiesel strategy positions CoCoo to offer services in economic loss calculation and settlement facilitation19191919.
    • Why This Helps Our Mediation: This is our business model in action. Our campaigns are designed to generate a direct need for our specialised USP and mediation services, creating a seamless pathway from identifying a public interest problem to being engaged as the expert entity to help solve it.

  • Specific Negotiating Levers:

    • What I Extracted: In the UK, the CAT Rules allow for unclaimed settlement funds to revert to the defendant, which is not the case for damages awarded at trial20.
    • Why This Helps Our Mediation: This is a critical negotiating tool. The “reversion to defendant” rule makes settlements more attractive to defendants and can be used as a lever to negotiate a larger overall settlement pot for the class.

I have processed the new attachments and will now translate our media campaign strategy into a simple, winnable procurement process, focusing specifically on our case against the Spanish government’s “Memoria Historica.” This process leverages our unique knowledge to create the very need for our services.

First, our media campaign is the essential tool that creates the procurement process where none exists. The campaign’s purpose is to frame the flawed procurement and biased reports behind the “Memoria Historica” as a significant, ongoing, and embarrassing problem for the responsible Spanish ministries. By using our formal complaint to the European Commission as the foundation, we will issue press releases and research updates that generate political and media scrutiny. When parliamentary committees in Brussels and Madrid begin asking questions based on our findings, and reputable media outlets highlight the potential misuse of public funds and the reputational harm to UK citizens, the Spanish government will be compelled to act. To mitigate the political damage and address the operational failings we have exposed, they will have to formally recognise a “need” for external expertise to solve the problem. This formally defined need is what obligates their commercial department to launch a procurement process to acquire that expertise. Our campaign does not ask them to hire us; it forces them to acknowledge a problem that only we are perfectly positioned to solve.

Our core tactic to win the resulting work is to aim for an initial, small contract awarded directly to us, bypassing a full competitive tender. We can achieve this by submitting a highly targeted Unsolicited Proposal (USP) for a “Reputational Risk & Procurement Audit Scoping Study.” We will price this study just below the Spanish ‘contrato menor’ threshold of 15,000 euros. The justification for a direct award will be based on our unique and proprietary intellectual property. We will argue to the Spanish government that our investigative methodologies, our deep situational knowledge of this specific case, and our proprietary ‘Procurement and Policy Integrity Assurance’ framework constitute a unique “Knowledge Asset.” We will assert that no other consultancy possesses this combination of IP and expertise, making a competitive process for this initial, highly specialised work a “false economy.” This presents them with a low-risk, justifiable first step to demonstrate they are taking action.

This Unsolicited Proposal will be presented as a robust and professional “Statement of Work.” It will begin by defining the problem we are solving: the significant legal, financial, and reputational risk the Spanish state faces from a law based on a flawed evidentiary foundation. It will then outline our proposed solution: the deployment of our proprietary integrity assurance framework to audit the original procurement process. The specific, measurable deliverables will be a comprehensive report mapping the procurement failures against Spanish and EU law, an impact assessment of the reputational damage caused, and a high-level roadmap for rectifying the legislative record. We will outline an eight-week timeline and conclude by stating our readiness to engage with their commercial department to formalise this scope of work within the appropriate government service contract, demonstrating that we are prepared to work within their established procedures.

I have conducted a detailed search into the specific media platforms and tools we can use to launch a granular and cost-effective campaign for our “caso sostenibilidad,” focusing on the unfair subsidisation of Indonesian biodiesel. My findings provide actionable steps for each platform and identify affordable alternatives to high-cost professional tools, enabling us to effectively reach all prospective parties.

Our campaign will begin with building targeted contact lists, a crucial step before deploying paid advertising. While LinkedIn Sales Navigator is a powerful tool, its cost is a barrier. I have identified a highly effective and more affordable alternative in Apollo.io. Their free plan provides a number of email lookup credits per month, which is ideal for the initial, targeted prospecting of key individuals at European biodiesel producers, agricultural associations, and regulatory bodies whom we wish to approach for our USP and mediation projects111111111. Another excellent tool is Hunter.io, which also offers a free monthly quota for finding and verifying email addresses associated with specific company domains2. For building our claimant class of EU, UK, and Spanish biodiesel producers, the most cost-effective method remains leveraging the public member directories of trade associations like the European Biodiesel Board3. This manual compilation is free and results in a highly relevant contact list.

 

Once our initial lists are built, we will execute a multi-platform campaign.

On LinkedIn, which is our primary channel for reaching business leaders and policymakers, we will use the LinkedIn Campaign Manager. Our first step will be to use the ‘Matched Audiences’ feature. We will upload the email lists compiled with Apollo.io and from trade directories to target those specific individuals with our message about the distorting effects of the subsidies. Second, based on this uploaded list, we will create a ‘Lookalike Audience’ to find and target other professionals with similar profiles, such as CEOs and supply chain managers in the European renewable fuels sector. Our ad campaign will promote our detailed White Paper on the issue, directing users to a landing page on cocoo.uk where they can download the report in exchange for their contact details, for which we will obtain their explicit consent to be added to our confidential working group.

On X (formerly Twitter), our campaign will focus on public awareness and influencing journalists and regulators. Using the X Ads platform, we will run ‘Promoted Ads’ targeting the followers of key media outlets and journalists we have identified, such as those at the Financial Times and Politico, as well as the official accounts of environmental NGOs and government bodies like DG TRADE. The campaign will use powerful infographics and the hashtag #FairBiofuels to drive traffic to our website. We will use X’s ‘Conversation Ads’ format, which includes call-to-action buttons to encourage users to share our message and visit our campaign page.

On Meta’s platforms (Facebook and Instagram), we will launch a narrative-driven campaign to mobilise broader public support. Using the Meta Ads Manager, we will create short, impactful videos explaining how unfair subsidies for palm oil biodiesel harm local European farmers and undermine climate goals. We will target these ads to users with declared interests in sustainability, renewable energy, and agriculture. Critically, we will use the ‘Lead Generation’ ad format, which allows individuals to register their support for our campaign using their pre-populated Facebook information, making it a very simple, low-friction process to join our cause.

Regarding costs, both Meta and LinkedIn frequently provide promotional credits for new advertisers, often ranging from £50 to £200. By creating a new, dedicated ad account for this sustainability campaign, we can take advantage of these offers to maximise our initial reach at minimal cost. For ongoing communication with our registered supporters, we can use email marketing platforms like Mailchimp and Brevo, both of which offer robust free tiers that are perfectly adequate for our needs.

1. For Our Legal Cases (Litigation & Pre-Litigation)

The documents provide a powerful combination of legal precedents and strategic models that directly strengthen our ability to build and pursue robust legal claims.

  • Established Legal Foundations for State Liability: The legal texts on EU and Spanish law are critical. They confirm that the principle of state liability for damages caused to individuals by a breach of EU law is inherent to the EU Treaty system1. A key finding is that we do not need to wait for a European Court of Justice judgment against Spain to bring a claim in the national courts for damages2222. This is reinforced by the fact that the European Commission has already launched infringement proceedings against Spain for making it “excessively difficult” to get compensation, which violates the EU principle of effectiveness3333.

     

    • Why this helps: This gives us a solid and immediate legal basis for our claim against the Spanish government regarding the RRF fund allocation and the “Democratic Memory Law”. It allows us to act now and use the Commission’s formal action as powerful leverage in any domestic legal proceedings.

  • A Model for Multi-Pronged Legal Attacks: The strategic blueprint for the Indonesian biodiesel case provides a sophisticated model for our legal strategy4. It demonstrates how to apply pressure simultaneously using different legal instruments: trade defence rules (Countervailing Duties), competition law (the Foreign Subsidies Regulation), and environmental law (the EU Deforestation Regulation)5.

     

    • Why this helps: This shows us that for any cause of action, we should not limit ourselves to a single legal argument. By exploring and combining competition, public procurement, environmental, and trade law angles, we can create a multi-front legal challenge that is much harder for our opponents to defend against.

  • Specific Grounds for Challenging Public Bodies in Spain: The Spanish legal texts confirm that public authorities can be held liable for facilitating anti-competitive conduct by private companies, with such actions being deemed ultra vires (beyond their legal powers)6.

     

    • Why this helps: This precedent is the cornerstone of any action against public bodies in Spain that have improperly awarded contracts or aided anti-competitive behaviour, as we allege in our RRF case.

2. For Our Public Campaigns & Stakeholder Engagement

The attachments provide a clear framework for launching credible, lawful, and impactful campaigns to identify and mobilise affected parties.

  • Launching from a Position of Authority: Our campaign on Spain’s RRF fund allocation is framed around an existing formal complaint to the European Commission (Case Ref: 83559) and a petition to the European Parliament (0047/2025)7777. The core campaign messages are our research findings: a lack of transparency, state aid concerns, and the exclusion of SMEs from funding8.

     

    • Why this helps: Starting a campaign with formal regulatory filings already in motion gives us enormous credibility. It shows that our campaign is not based on mere allegations but on a serious, evidence-based case that is already being considered by EU institutions. This helps us shape and control the public narrative from the outset.

  • A Blueprint for Compliant Class Member Acquisition: The “Start research” document provides a detailed guide to navigating the complex UK regulatory landscape for recruiting class members9. It highlights the need for any notification plan to be approved by the Competition Appeal Tribunal (CAT) 10, the necessity of complying with ASA advertising codes 11, and adherence to ICO data protection rules12121212.

     

    • Why this helps: This is our essential risk management framework. It provides the specific rules we must follow to run our UK campaigns lawfully, avoiding regulatory penalties and protecting our reputation. It ensures our “aggressive” outreach is legally sound.

  • Strategic Coalition Building: The biodiesel campaign strategy provides a model for building alliances, identifying partners from industry associations (like the European Biodiesel Board), agricultural unions, and environmental NGOs13.

     

    • Why this helps: This gives us a clear methodology for mapping and engaging potential allies for each of our cases. By building broad coalitions, we can amplify our message, share the campaign workload, and demonstrate a wide base of support for our position.

3. For Our Mediation & Settlement Projects

Our ultimate goal is often a negotiated resolution. The intelligence extracted provides us with significant leverage to bring parties to the table.

  • Creating the Conditions for Mediation: The biodiesel campaign strategy is explicitly designed to create a political and legal environment where a negotiated settlement becomes a preferable outcome for the opposing side14. This is achieved by applying sustained pressure through multiple legal and public channels15.

     

    • Why this helps: This defines our core approach to mediation. We do not simply request it; we create the political and economic pressure that makes it a rational choice for our opponents. By filing regulatory complaints and running public campaigns, we increase the cost and risk of them not engaging with us, which drives them towards a mediated solution.

  • Positioning CoCoo as the Solution Provider: The campaign documents explicitly frame CoCoo as an organisation that can deliver solutions to the problems it identifies. The RRF campaign invites corporate members to join for access to legal guidance and representation16. The biodiesel strategy positions CoCoo to offer services in economic loss calculation, compliance verification, and settlement facilitation17171717.

     

    • Why this helps: This is our business model in action. Our campaigns are designed to generate a direct need for our specialised USP and mediation services. This creates a seamless pathway from identifying a public interest problem to being engaged as the expert entity to help solve it.

I have processed the new case files, integrated them with our previous findings, and can now outline a comprehensive, multi-layered media campaign strategy. The goal of this campaign is to identify and mobilise all prospective class members who have legal standing in our identified causes of action, encouraging them to join our campaign to obtain redress. This strategy is specifically tailored to leverage our privileged knowledge and operates at the edge of what is lawfully permissible to ensure maximum impact at minimal cost.

Our overarching strategy will be modelled on the “Procurement via Pressure” blueprint you provided. For each cause of action, we will launch a synchronised campaign that combines public-facing media pressure with targeted regulatory and political engagement. The public campaign is designed to create a groundswell of support, identify victims, and establish CoCoo as the leading authority on the issue. This, in turn, amplifies the impact of our direct engagement with policymakers and our mediation proposals to perpetrators.

For our case concerning flawed Government Outsourcing and the subsequent collapse of major contractors, our central campaign narrative will be “Protecting Taxpayers & SMEs from a Broken System”. The prospective class members are the thousands of small and medium-sized businesses in construction and support services (plumbing, electrical, facilities management) who suffer catastrophic losses when a primary contractor fails. Our campaign will highlight how the government’s flawed procurement process, which favours unsustainable bids from a handful of large players, creates systemic risk. We will use our social media channels to share stories of affected subcontractors and direct them to a secure portal on the CoCoo.uk website to register their interest.

For the Abuse of Dominance in Intellectual Property, specifically the licensing of Standard-Essential Patents, our narrative is “Fighting the Hidden ‘Tech Tax’ on Innovation”. The primary class members are technology manufacturers (in automotive, consumer electronics, and telecoms) who are forced to pay excessive royalties. We will run a highly-targeted campaign on LinkedIn, aimed at C-suite executives and legal counsel in these sectors. The call to action will be to download our proprietary white paper on FRAND licensing abuses and to join a confidential CoCoo working group. This builds a powerful coalition of businesses harmed by the same anti-competitive conduct.

In the Book Publishing Monopsony case, our campaign will be titled “Fair Pay for Creators”. The prospective class is every author and literary agent who has been impacted by suppressed advances and unfair terms from a concentrated publishing market. This is a public-facing campaign where we can leverage X (formerly Twitter) and Meta platforms to connect with the vibrant online communities of writers, agents, and readers. We will share infographics on publisher profits versus author incomes and run targeted ads directed at members of writers’ guilds and literary associations.

Finally, regarding the Spanish “Democratic Memory Law”, our narrative is “Defending Historical Truth”. The class members are the descendants and representative bodies of British volunteers who fought in the Spanish Civil War. This is an international campaign with a strong human rights and rule of law angle. We will partner with historical societies and veterans’ organisations, using their channels to reach our target audience. Our media outreach will focus on major international news outlets, highlighting the risk of state-sanctioned historical revisionism.

To execute these campaigns, here are the practical steps and URLs:

Website Hub (cocoo.uk): The first step is to create a dedicated, secure landing page for each of the four campaigns. Each page will detail the specific injustice, explain who is affected, and feature a simple, secure form to “Register Your Interest and Join the Campaign.” This form is our primary tool for class member acquisition. It will be designed to be fully GDPR-compliant, with clear consent options for future communications.

X (formerly Twitter) Campaigns: We will use X for real-time engagement and to build a public profile on each issue. We will launch our campaigns via the X Ads platform (https://ads.twitter.com/). For each cause of action, we will use targeted advertising to promote our landing pages to the followers of relevant journalists, industry bodies, and political figures. We will use hashtags like #FairProcurementNow, #TechTax, and #HistoricalTruth to drive the conversation.

LinkedIn Campaigns: For our business-to-business campaigns, particularly the Standard-Essential Patents case, LinkedIn is our primary tool. We will start by creating sponsored content and targeted ad campaigns via the LinkedIn Campaign Manager (https://www.linkedin.com/ads/). We can target individuals by their specific job title (e.g., General Counsel), industry (e.g., Automotive), and company, ensuring our message reaches the decision-makers who have been directly affected.

Meta (Facebook & Instagram) Campaigns: For our broader public interest campaigns, we will use the Meta Ads Manager (https://www.facebook.com/business/ads). We will create compelling short video content explaining the harm caused in the publishing and historical legacy cases. We will use Meta’s powerful “Lookalike Audiences” tool to find users with similar profiles to those who have already visited our website and registered interest, creating a highly efficient and targeted outreach loop.

By integrating these tailored digital campaigns with our privileged knowledge of each case, we can effectively and lawfully build the powerful class of members needed to drive our legal, political, and mediation strategies forward.